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Pii: s0016-7185(99)00012-3

Three generations of urban renewal policies: analysis and policy Faculty of Architecture and Town Planning, Technion ± Israel Institute of Technology, Haifa 32000, Israel This paper, based on 20 years of research and teaching related to urban renewal policies and programs, analyzes the history of planned intervention for the regeneration of distressed residential areas. It divides it into three ``generations'', each with unique policy components, related to the social, economic and political characteristics of its period in history, with di€erent major players, methods of action and outcomes. All three generations can be identi®ed in the US, the UK and several other European countries, although not always precisely in the same form and at the same time. Analysis of three case studies in Israeli neighborhoods is used in this paper to point at typical results and the main lessons that can be taken from each of the three generations. Finally, a set of proposed policies, based on lessons learned from the preceding generations and projects, is presented. This set is likely to achieve better results with respect to both people (the residents) and places (the neighborhoods) than those obtained from earlier e€orts at regeneration. Ó 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
separately. In this paper, the emphasis is on our shared experience, especially as it evolved in Great Britain and The goals of this paper are to analyze policies of in- the United States, and in Israel that followed them, with tervention in deteriorated urban areas, learn from past some reference to other Western countries. The simi- experience and propose a set of improved regeneration larities we ®nd are partly attributed to international principles of action. The paper is composed of three policy transfer, but to a larger extent, are related to parts. The ®rst is a condensed historical analysis of similarities in the socioeconomic and sociopolitical de- planned ± mainly public ± intervention in distressed velopments in Western countries, particularly after residential areas, primarily in the United States and the United Kingdom, but also in European countries and The historical overview is divided into generations of Israel (the authorÕs country). The analysis introduces policies. The term generations is appropriate in this three generations of policies, and includes a description context, because it expresses reference to periods of of the initiatives with their socioeconomic background, time, each with its unique social, economic and political a recapitulation of activities and actors, and evaluations characteristics and with di€erent main actors, who cre- of the outcomes. The second part presents Israeli case ate di€erent policies. The claim is that a typical ap- studies of three neighborhoods, representing the three proach to issues of regeneration can be identi®ed for generations of neighborhood remedies and their lessons.
each generation. This does not mean, however, that the The third, which is policy oriented, proposes strategic typical approach was the only one at the time; we know and tactical principles for a new generation of urban of overlaps between generations and also within gener- ations. But the suggested classi®cation seems to be fruitful in terms of understanding policy changes, ana- lyzing their outcomes and learning their lessons.
Most of the published literature presents the history 2.1. First Generation: the era of the bulldozer ± physical of planned intervention in urban areas in each country determinism and emphasis on the built environment * Tel.: +972-4-829-4075; fax: +972-4-829-4617; e-mail: carmon@tx.
Intolerable housing conditions in old and very old buildings in the growing cities, coupled with the wish to 0016-7185/99/$ - see front matter Ó 1999 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.
PII: S 0 0 1 6 - 7 1 8 5 ( 9 9 ) 0 0 0 1 2 - 3 make ``better use'' of central urban land and drive the ings and vacant lots covered the center of the city, poor out of sight, gave birth to the idea of slum clear- causing vast economic and social damage.
ance. In the United Kingdom, the process started on a Similar criticism of the construction of roads and massive scale with the Greenwood Act of 1930 (Short, commercial buildings in place of housing was heard in 1982). In the United States, there is disagreement over Canada as well, where the urban renewal plan included whether to attribute the starting point to the Housing 48 projects between 1948 and 1968 (Carter, 1991). In Law of 1937, or as many propose, to assign it to the France, criticism was directed at the ``removal followed legislation of 1949, which was the ®rst to recognize by modernization'' approach, which guided the urban public responsibility for the settlement of all families in renewal activities in the years 1958±1975 (Primus and the United States in ``decent and a€ordable housing''.
Over a quarter of a million housing units were de- Indeed, in many of the Western worldÕs large cities, molished or sealed up and more than one and a quarter and especially in the United States, luxurious projects of million people were rehoused in the UK of the 1930s concrete, steel and glass were built on the sites of slums (Gibson and Langsta€, 1982). The momentum was razed by the bulldozers. Some of these projects, such as halted by the Second World War, to be renewed only Lincoln Center in New York, ful®ll important urban with the Housing Law of 1954. The objective established functions (Sanders, 1980). But in many of the reported by the planners at that time was to raze 12±60,000 units cases, the long-term economic and social costs of the a year and build 100±150,000 new units (Short, 1982).
displacement and demolition policies and of the con- Most of the units demolished were low-rise private centration of poor people in large residential blocks construction, while most of the new ¯ats were in big were much too high. This applies also to the Israeli case analyzed below. Thus, the bulldozer approach as a The public authorities in the UK managed both the leading regeneration strategy was condemned and dis- clearance and the provision of housing for those relo- quali®ed in most of the places it was applied.
cated in new council housing. In the US, by contrast, concentration and clearance of land sites was generally 2.2. Second Generation: neighborhood rehabilitation ± a done by public agencies, while the new construction comprehensive approach emphasizing social problems was in the hands of private entrepreneurs. As a result, the number of apartments demolished under the aegis In the US of the 1960s and later on in other countries, of the Urban Renewal programs in the US was much a new approach to assisting distressed neighborhoods greater than the number of units built. The slum areas was developed and implemented. It was in¯uenced by were frequently replaced by shopping centers, oce the severe criticism of the bulldozer approach of the buildings, and cultural and entertainment centers, all First Generation. At its background were the general of which were in high demand in the booming years economic growth and the upward mobility of large that followed World War II. The few housing devel- segments of society, followed by the ``rediscovery of opments built were generally designated for people poverty'' within the ``society of plenty'' (Harrington, with higher socioeconomic status than those who were 1962; Cullingworth, 1973). Public opinion became more relocated (Greer, 1965). Gans (1967, p. 468) testi®ed favorable than before towards public programs which that between the years 1949 and 1964 only one half of require large allocations for welfare purposes. As a one percent of all expenditures by the American federal consequence, it was possible to plan and implement government for urban renewal was spent on relocation comprehensive rehabilitation programs, aimed at im- of the families and individuals removed from their proving existing housing and environments (instead of demolishing them), while simultaneously, treating the Despite the signi®cant di€erences in the nature of social problems of the population by adding social ser- activity in the two countries, the criticism voiced against vices and bettering their quality. Many of the new pro- most of the projects in the US and UK was similar grams tried to involve local residents in their decision (Wilmott and Young, 1957; Gans, 1962; Fried, 1966; making processes and made ``maximum feasible partic- Hartman, 1971; Parker, 1973; English et. al., 1976). The ipation'' a leading slogan of the period.
executors were criticized for ignoring the heavy psy- The ``Great Society'' programs of the American chological cost of enforced relocation and the social cost President, Lyndon Johnson, with the ``War on Poverty'' of the destruction of healthy communities. In those cases at their heart, did not succeed in preventing the riots where new residential neighborhoods were built, the which broke out in the mid-1960s in the large cities of planners and designers were blamed for building inhu- the US. The response of the administration was the man multistory blocks which were un®t for family life, Model Cities program (Haar, 1975). This program, and certainly not suitable for poor families. Moreover, which was funded by the Federal Government (80%) in many places the redevelopment projects continued for and the local authorities (20%), established a compre- 2±3 decades, and for much of that time, unused build- hensive approach to the problems of poverty in the distressed areas of large cities. In the course of seven renovation of housing and infrastructure. So it was in years, 2.3 billion dollars were spent on target neigh- Sweden, Holland and West Germany (with a few rare borhoods, under the management of the newly created exceptions such as those described by Schmoll (1991)).
Department of Housing and Urban Development But in other countries, including Canada, France and (HUD) (Frieden and Kaplan, 1975). Most of this sum Israel, the comprehensive model of the United States was allotted to social projects in the ®elds of education, was applied. CanadaÕs Neighborhood Improvement health, professional training, public safety, etc., and Program received Parliamentary approval in 1973 and only a small fraction of the sum was spent on housing included 322 local authorities; it dealt with the renova- rehabilitation (Listokin, 1983) and on infrastructure.
tion of existing housing, together with selective demo- Despite the abundance of good will and the large lition of unsound housing, and allotted funds for social sums expended, the program was generally considered a and community services, while insuring the participation failure. There are those who maintain that what pre- of the residents in the decision-making process (Lyon vented its success was the expansion of the framework and Newman, 1986; Carter, 1991). The French policy of from a model program of 36 neighborhoods to 66 and, Neighborhood Social Development, announced in 1981, later on, to double the number of neighborhoods, al- reached 150 neighborhoods throughout France and was most without additional resources (Ban®eld, 1974).
directed toward comprehensive and integrated man- Others believe that the program, like other War on agement of housing, education, social integration, em- Poverty programs of that time, was ``too theoretical'' ployment, professional training, health, culture and and that it was overwhelmed by the multiplicity of its leisure, with emphasis on participation of the residents own regulations and constraints (Moynihan, 1969).
in the processes of change (Tricart, 1991).
Wood (1990), who served as chairman of the task force which created the program, claims that it had partial 2.3. Third Generation: revitalization, especially in city successes and some positive long-term consequences centers ± a business-like approach emphasizing economic (Kaplan and Cuciti, 1986), but Frieden and Kaplan (1975, p. 234) conclude by saying that the ``gap between promise and performance was conspicuously large''.
In the beginning of the 1970s, an economic slowdown In the UK, similar socioeconomic forces were active was spreading worldwide. At the same time, the gov- during the 1960s and 1970s, creating similar although ernments and public of several Western countries were not identical responses in the area of urban regenera- unfavorably impressed by the results of research which tion. In the physical domain, the salient trend was a was unable to indicate signi®cant positive results for rapid transition from clearance to renovation of existing many of the large social programs of the 1960s. One of buildings and environments (Murrie, 1990); it took place the famous examples of such a research is the work of under the slogan ``old houses into new homes''. The Gibson and Prathes (1977), which surveyed many eval- social programs were in¯uenced by ideas developed by uations of social programs and reached the conclusion American planners, such as participation of residents in that ``nothing works''; another is Charles MurrayÕs community development and positive discrimination. In conclusion that the only thing the War on Poverty 1975, there were 3750 projects related to the war on programs managed to produce was more poor people poverty, with a combined budget that reached 34 million (Murray, 1984). Right-wing governments canceled Sec- pounds. Various ministries of the British government ond-Generation type programs, and only slight public and local authorities took part, dealing with matters of attention was paid to the worsening urban problems, education, employment and welfare, partly within the framework of the Urban Programme (Gibson and In those years of the 1970s and 1980s, interesting Langsta€, 1982, Ch. 5). Most of the programs were local spontaneous processes of revitalization were docu- and of limited scale. Many were conducted in areas mented in large cities of the developed countries. The where the GIA (General Improvement Areas), the main very low prices of land and housing in the city centers governmental program for physical improvement of began to attract both small and large private entrepre- housing and environment in distressed areas, was active.
neurs. The new processes can be divided into two It so happened in this period of time that programs for groups: public±individual partnerships (my term) and physical renovation of housing were implemented in public±private partnerships (a term widely used in the these areas simultaneously with programs for handling professional literature). The ®rst term refers to cases in social problems, a rare combination in Britain, where which investments by individual people, households and physical and social programs were usually separated, owners of small businesses in deteriorated neighbor- hoods are supplemented directly (mainly in the form of As Alterman (1991) has shown, many of the up- subsidized loans) or indirectly (special regulations, in- grading programs in the European countries were uni- vestments in the surrounding public services, etc.) by the sectorial and focused solely or primarily on physical authorities. The second term describes the cooperation which has become common in recent years between ered to be a major cause of deterioration. In contrast, large private investors, often corporations, and public in recent years (in the US, since the 1965 change in authorities, generally the local government.
the immigration law), there has been a strong ¯ow I propose sorting the public±individual partnerships of di€erent immigrants to the developed countries.
These immigrants often come from large cities of · Gentri®cation. This process tends to occur in the vi- the less developed countries; many of them are skilled cinity of vibrant CBDs of cities, where a stock of workers, they frequently have high educational levels housing with some kind of ``charm'' ± architectural and other resources, and they aim to penetrate the and/or historical ± is available. In most cases it is middle class in the countries of their destination.
the ®rst sign of revitalization, but in several places The ¯ow of low-class immigrants has not stopped, it followed other investments in the area. Researchers but the rates of skilled immigrants have risen im- have extensively described this process, whose key mensely (Carmon, 1996a). Winnick (1990) found that players are oftentimes young people with higher edu- the ``new immigrants'' breathed life into deteriorated cation levels, Yuppies (young urban professionals) neighborhoods in New York; they increased employ- and Dinks (double income, no kids). They invest their ment and the number of businesses in the area, reno- savings or take loans in order to renovate old build- vated apartments and buildings and ®lled the schools.
ings in deteriorated central neighborhoods in the Muller (1993) found a few concentrations of urban United States (Lipton, 1977, Gale, 1984, 1990), Can- regeneration in the cities of New York, Los Angeles ada (Ley, 1981, 1992) and West European countries and Miami, which receive many immigrants. Nathan (Smith and Williams, 1986; van Weesep and Musterd, (1992) in the US and Bourne (1993) in Canada are 1991). Gentri®cation and its consequences have at- pointing at the immigrants as a rising force of con- tracted research attention and criticism (Grith, tributors to urban revitalization. The wave of immi- 1996). The most hotly debated e€ect is displacement, gration to Israel from the former Soviet Union, i.e., the ®nding that the entry of the middle class fre- characterized by a large highly educated work force, quently pushes out incumbent lower-class popula- spurred hopes for processes of revitalization in dis- tions (Hartman, 1979; Schill and Nathan, 1983; tressed neighborhoods of cities in Israel (Carmon, Marcuse, 1986; Smith, 1996). In spite of the contro- versy, local authorities tend to encourage the ``back The other prominent group in the Third Generation to the city'' movement of members of the middle class is that of public±private partnerships in economic de- (Laska and Spain, 1980; Spain, 1992; Kaufman and velopment projects. These projects are almost always Carmon, 1992), through convenient regulations, tax concentrated in the heart of the city and include giant discounts, subsidized loans and improvements to shopping malls, convention centers, hotels and occa- roads and other services, in neighborhoods where sionally prestige housing. Well-known examples in the the process has begun. Recently, researchers have ar- United States include the Quincy Market in Boston, gued that ``the extent and impacts of gentri®cation Pike Place in Seattle and Horton Plaza in San Diego, the have been exaggerated in the urban literature of the development of which was documented by Frieden and 1970s and 1980s, and that the process itself will be Sagalin (1989). More recent projects in the US were of decreasing importance as we move beyond the re- analyzed by Fainstein (1994), Robertson (1995) and cession of the early 1990s'' (Bourne, 1993, p. 183).
Wagner et al. (1995). The best known British example is · Upgrading by incumbent (veteran) residents. Clay London Docklands (Church, 1988; Stoker, 1989; (1979) was the ®rst to name this regeneration process; Brownhill, 1990; Brian, 1992), but there are many other he described groups of local residents who had decid- ``¯agship developments'' in Britain (Middleton, 1991; ed to invest their own e€orts toward improving their Healey et al., 1992; Smyth, 1994). Many of these large housing and environment, and sometimes succeeded projects have been commercially successful. They attract in persuading others to assist them. In the US, they business, local customers and tourists, make a signi®- usually applied to the local authorities and to not- cant addition to the local tax base and enhance the cityÕs for-pro®t organizations; in the UK, often to building prestige. The public±private deal-making which made societies (Murrie, 1990). While gentri®cation occurs them possible has transformed the nature of city devel- in proximity to city centers, upgrading by incumbent opment practice. It has frequently raised troublesome residents is common in less central neighborhoods.
issues of con¯ict of interests and accountability, but the Much of the American CDCs activity may be includ- participants and the public have tended to ignore them ed in this category (several cases are described in Keating et al., 1996), as well as some of what Nathan Researchers who investigated the distribution of (1992) has recently named ``zones of emergence''.
bene®ts from urban economic developments of this · Upgrading by immigrants. In the past, the appearance Third Generation type have agreed that they contrib- of poor immigrants in a neighborhood was consid- uted to widening the gap between the ``haves'' and the ``have nots''. This conclusion was reported from Ham- Israel was lucky. Just three demolition projects under burg (Dangschat and Ossenbruegge, 1990), London and the new authority had been approved before popular New York (Fainstein, 1994), and from other cities resentment to residents evacuation and the harsh criti- (Stoker, 1989; Keating and Krumholz, 1991). The cism of the US urban renewal convinced the Israeli de- ``trickle down'' theory, according to which bene®ts from cision makers to stop operations a' la First Generation rapid economic development ®lter down to all levels of style. Meanwhile, the six days war and the immigration society, has not stood the test. Instead, ``divided cities'' wave that followed it kept the government and the and ``cities of con¯ict'' grew up in the 1980s and 1990s (Marcuse, 1993), in which ``islands of renewal'' are In 1977 a new government came to power in Israel, surrounded by ``seas of decay'' (Berry, 1985).
the ®rst right-wing government ever. Unlike what could have been expected, an important share of the electoral support of the rightist government came from the dis- 3. Three generations of neighborhood regeneration in tressed neighborhoods of the country. Hence, soon af- Israel: empirical evidence and its lessons ter its establishment, the Prime Minister Mr. Begin announced a national program for neighborhoods re- The State of Israel was established in 1948. It started habilitation. Among the ®rst managers of this large- as an undeveloped society and economy, but has chan- scale governmental program were several graduates of ged considerably, very rapidly in the ®rst 25 years and American universities, including persons who had just gradually since then. The state (within the ocial completed their evaluation studies of Model Cities.
boarders of the Israeli law which have never included They eagerly designed an improved version of this the West Bank and Gaza) has reached its 50th birthday comprehensive program for wide implementation with 6 million citizens (82% Jewish and most of the throughout the country. The principles of IsraelÕs Pro- others ± Arabs) and a GNP per capita approaching the ject Renewal expressed the ``spirit'' of the Second Generation of renewal policies. Prominent among these Urban planning in Israel has been highly in¯uenced were: integrated social and physical rehabilitation of by developments abroad, especially in Great Britain, the selected areas; allocation of resources on the basis since the days of the British Mandate on Palestine, and of the targeted area information, rather than by per- in the US, where many Israeli planners had some part of sonal means tests; working with the existing population their professional training. This is particularly true with in the existing environment (i.e., no demolition of regard to neighborhood regeneration e€orts, as is evi- buildings, no evacuation of residents or replacement of a weak population with a stronger one); decentraliza- In the ®rst 10 years of the State of Israel, almost tion; and participation of the residents in the planning, nobody cared about older urban areas. Leaders, plan- ®nancing and implementation of the project (Carmon ners and laymen were too busy with constructing new and Hill, 1988). Between 1978 and 1994 about 130 towns, new neighborhoods and new villages. In the late residential areas with a total population of approxi- 1950s and early 1960s, urban protesters started raising mately 800,000 people (out of the 4±5 million citizens of their voice and scholars presented ®ndings that sup- Israel in the 1980s) were included in this nationwide ported their demands for improvements. The then project. It was administered by the central government, Minister of Housing visited the US and was highly in collaboration with the semi public organization of impressed by what was presented to him as the great the Jewish Agency, with some power of decision mak- success of Urban Renewal. When he returned home, he ing conferred to local residents, but hardly any to local initiated the establishment of the governmental Au- thority for Redevelopment and Demolition of Slum Israel's Project Renewal was extensively documented Areas, which had a commitment to demolition, as in and researched (see Spiro, 1991, and an annotated bib- the US, but also to relocation of the tenants whose liography in Hebrew and English by Carmon, 1996b), homes were taken, as in the UK (Almogi, 1963; Alex- probably more so than any other program of this type in ander, 1988). The stated goal was to ``solve once and Western countries. The researchers had clear conclu- for ever the problem of slums''. The innocent beliefs sions as to what had been achieved and what had not were that a radical improvement of the housing con- (see below, the discussion of IGKM). The generally ditions will open the way to improvements in all the positive research conclusions were among the factors other areas, and that the costs of the Demolition and that supported the continuation of the project. O- Redevelopment projects to the public will be negligible, cially, in 1999, it is still administered by the Ministry of because most of it will soon be covered by a more ef- Housing and works in several dozen urban residential ®cient use of central city lands. Nothing of the high areas. No government dared to eliminate a project with hopes was materialized, as demonstrated below by the such noble goals, but its budgets have been continuously reduced since the middle 1980s, in parallel with adding distressed areas to its framework. Hence, the actual were housed there in apartments of 2±3 small rooms impact has been considerably diluted.
(living rooms are counted as well as bedrooms), totaling As in other countries in the developed countries, 54±65 square meters of ¯oor space. A public company processes of spontaneous revitalization have been doc- managed the neighborhood housing. All day-to-day umented in residential urban areas of the large cities of services were built in the neighborhood: a day care Israel in the 1980s, especially in Tel Aviv. The central center, kindergartens, two elementary schools, an in®r- government was the main player in the ®rst two gener- mary and mother-infant care center, synagogues and a ations of urban renewal policies, with planners and cit- small shopping center. The neighborhood is well con- izens taking active roles in the second one. The current nected to various parts of Tel Aviv by means of regular Third Generation is pushed ahead by the private sector public transportation (Farber, 1979).
with a strong support of local governments, mainly On the face of it, an ideal upgrading process was municipalities of the large cities, as shown below by the achieved. Not only were the relocatees not thrown into the street, but they were provided with homes and a The following three case studies were selected so that residential environment which ± at least with respect to each represents the policies, players and outcomes typ- objective physical data ± were better than those in which ical of one of the three generations. On the basis of a they had lived before. However, the expectation that fairly deep familiarity with what has happened and what upgrading the physical conditions would resolve most of has been studied in the ®eld under discussion in several the tough problems of this problem-laden population countries, I dare to say that the description and evalu- ation of these three cases may be used to demonstrate About a dozen years after the ®rst residents settled in what can and cannot be expected from the di€erent Neveh Eliezer, the Municipality of Tel Aviv±Yafo had policies of each generation, not only in Israel.
to start a neighborhood project of physical and social rehabilitation. In 1980, Neveh Eliezer was placed on the 3.1. First Generation: Neveh Eliezer ± a neighborhood of list of distressed neighborhoods included in Project Renewal, the national rehabilitation program. When the evaluators who accompanied Project Renewal arrived at The ®rst large planned project of the Redevelopment Neve Eliezer, they found a place and a population in and Demolition new authority of the Ministry of deep troubles. About one quarter of the population was Housing (established in 1963) was the clearing and re- dependent on welfare; a large portion of the young construction of Kfar Shalem in Tel Aviv. Kfar Shalem is people was poorly educated and unemployed; juvenile situated in southeast Tel Aviv. Its excellent location, delinquency, drug dependence and family violence were fairly close to the CBD of Tel Aviv and right in the frequently reported (Hill and Carmon, 1982). Their middle of the Tel Aviv Metropolitan area, had no pos- itive in¯uence on the socioeconomic and physical con- (a) The buildings were not suitable for the population dition of the area. The poor residents lived in small, old of relocatees. The apartments were very small in com- and mostly dilapidated houses. Sanitary infrastructure parison with the needs of the generally large families.
and public services were either totally lacking, or highly Indeed, the housing units which had been evacuated inadequate. Most of the inhabitants were immigrants were no larger, but they were built on the ground from the Middle East and North Africa, who had come and, in Israel's climate the yard can be considered to Israel in the 1950s. The 1961 census found in the area part of the house through many months of the year.
of Kfar Shalem a population of about 8000 people in In addition, residence in large blocks with many fam- some 1660 households (Almogi, 1963). The families were ilies did not suit the life style and the residential cul- large and frequently su€ering from multiplicity of ture to which the residents were accustomed. This problems. They were poor in knowledge, economic re- resulted in frequent ®ghts among neighbors and high- sources and political strength. When they were made to ly de®cient maintenance of the buildings.
choose between receiving compensation or alternative (b) Such a high concentration of multi-problem fam- housing in buildings constructed for them on a vacant ilies did not have a chance of developing normally site on the edge of Kfar Shalem, most of them preferred from the outset; Neveh Eliezer neighborhood was a to remain in a familiar environment, among people they distressed neighborhood form the day it was founded.
knew. They moved into the new neighborhood of Neveh In addition to the failure of Neve Eliezer a rehabili- tated neighborhood, the evacuation of the bigger area of Neveh Eliezer was built specially and solely for the Kfar Shalem could not be completed, and as a result, Kfar Shalem relocatees. From the middle 1960s to the only bits and pieces of the large redevelopment project middle 1970s, 4-story row houses were built in the new could have been implemented. The evacuation process neighborhood, each with 4±8 entrances. Approximately was fraught with diculties and very high compensation 1000 families, many of them with numerous children, payments which were not foreseen. Within a short time, the residents learned that in a democratic country, with tiannual rehabilitation plan was prepared for the an active press, they could resist relocation and/or press neighborhood. Not only experts were involved in pre- for much higher compensation, even though they had paring this plan but also local residents. Public partici- not owned the land or the buildings but were rather pation in decision-making reached quite a high level.
holders of some rights of possession. A number of heart- General elections were held in the neighborhood to rending newspaper articles about the removal of preg- choose its 11 representatives to the local steering com- nant women and small children from their homes caused mittee of Project Renewal, which had another 11 rep- the authorities to reconsider forced evacuation, even resentative of the public bodies (national and municipal) when the law was on their side. Moreover, buildings involved in the project. One of the residents served as which had been evacuated but not immediately demol- chairperson of the steering committee and several served ished were occupied by new families, who also refused to as chair people of its subcommittees. Voluntary local evacuate without high compensation. Hence, the rede- organizations of young people were also active in the velopment project was delayed for several decades.
neighborhood. The organizational structure and an To date, the evacuation of Kfar Shalem, which began elaborated implementation process were designed to in the early 1960s, has not been completed. The projectÕs enable e€ective operation of Project Renewal (Al- management still hopes to complete most of the devel- opment plans by the year 2000 (Frenkel, 1995). This The project ran simultaneously many physical and may not sound as exceptionally lagging to those familiar social programs, aimed at seven of the eight principle with urban renewal projects in other countries. For problems identi®ed in the preliminary survey of IGKM.
many of them it took 25±40 years to be completed, years There were programs directed at upgrading the housing through which residents, businessmen and municipali- and physical infrastructure, programs for renovating ties su€ered, mainly from the existence of abandoned and equipping social services ± kindergartens, youth and/or ruined properties in their environment.
clubs, a community center, family health clinic, dental clinic, synagogue, etc., and many social programs in the 3.2. Second Generation: IGKM ± a public housing area in areas of pre-school education (such as improving readiness of toddlers and kindergarten children for school), ``enriching'' the formal education provided by Among the ®rst neighborhoods of Israel's Project the schools, as well as the informal education o€ered in Renewal was Ir Ganim ± Kyriat Menachem (henceforth the community centers, adult education, health services, IGKM), an urban quarter consisted mostly of public employment service (some), sport and leisure time ac- housing blocks of the 1960s, situated on the southwest tivities (many), and special programs for women and the edge of Jerusalem. Towards the end of the 1970s IGKM had approximately 12,000 residents in some 3000 The percentage of bene®ciaries from Project Renewal households. The neighborhood was not terribly dis- in IGKM was very high. This was especially so in the tressed and there were middle class families in smaller area of housing: every household in the neighborhood buildings in its fringe lots, but the problems in the main bene®ted from at least one of the projectÕs housing part of it were serious enough to make it eligible to the programs. The project accelerated a process of housing governmental rehabilitation project (Yoelson et al., privatization that had already reached about half of the 1980). Small apartments (most of them 50±70 square households before the project started. The exteriors of meters in size), a high level of housing density, dampness all of the buildings in the neighborhood were renovated, and mold in about 40% of the apartments, and an with participation of the residents in planning and im- overabundance of neglected yards between buildings plementation in about half of the cases. The interiors of and between di€erent areas in the neighborhood, were 10% of the apartments (mostly those of tenants) were the salient physical problems. Among the social ones: renovated, including special renovations for the elderly.
10% of the men and 25% of the women were unem- About 20% of the apartments were enlarged with Pro- ployed, 20% of the households were (at least partly) ject Renewal assistance; at least one room was added to dependent on welfare, achievements of children in each enlarged apartment, and frequently more than one.
school were considered as low, and juvenile delinquency Most of the people who expanded their apartments were was common. Project Renewal was aimed at improving owner±occupiers; actually, the possibility to enlarge the housing conditions of the residents and the social one's home was an incentive to purchase it from the services provided for them, and at raising the status of public company. Hence, the enlargement scheme was an the neighborhood, without replacing its occupants. It interesting form of public±private (actually, public±in- was managed by the central government with little in- dividual) partnership in planning, ®nancing and imple- The project worked in IGKM in a way that was In the mid-1980s, a comprehensive evaluation of supposed to insure its success. A comprehensive, mul- Project Renewal was conducted. During the course of some three years, data of many kinds were collected for borhoods, Florentine is situated on the southern side of 10 of the 70 neighborhoods in which the project had the municipal area which is the center of the large been active at that time, including IGKM (Carmon and metropolitan area in the middle of the State of Israel. It Hill, 1988; Carmon, 1989; Alterman and Churchman, was built in the 1930s as a European-style neighbor- 1991). The research found that Project Renewal suc- hood, with 3±4 story buildings lining narrow streets.
ceeded in meeting at least some of its goals. Living Most of its ®rst residents were working class immigrants conditions in the neighborhood were improved in a from Greece and Bulgaria. In accordance with its plan, number of ways, satisfaction with the neighborhood and the neighborhood included commercial businesses, the services increased to some extent, and the number of workshops and small manufacturing establishments on households in the neighborhood stabilized.
the ground level of the residential buildings. In the The goal not attained was improvement in the status 1940s, the neighborhood prospered; it reached peak of the neighborhood. Despite the many improvements, population and density in the 1950s and early 1960s. In the image of the neighborhood in the eyes of its residents these same years, modern housing was developed in and other residents of Jerusalem did not improve.
North Tel Aviv and its suburban areas, housing which Families of somewhat higher socioeconomic status attracted a population that could a€ord improved living continued to leave it, especially families with children.
conditions. Many residents of Florentine left their old Their places were taken by households of young people places to move into the new residential areas.
with low socioeconomic status, although they still had a Gradually, commercial and manufacturing businesses generally higher level of education and other resources invaded the lower stories of the Florentine Quarter than the veteran residents. Housing prices in IGKM buildings, replacing the former occupants. In the mid- increased, but the relationship between prices of similar 1970s, living conditions in the neighborhood were harsh.
apartments in the research neighborhood and those in a It su€ered from lack of capital investment for mainte- ``good'' Jerusalem neighborhood did not change as a nance and improvements, from disturbances caused by the business activity, and from a dearth of social ser- Why did the image and status of IGKM remain un- vices. The population was reduced to about 3000 resi- changed, despite the many improvements to the neigh- borhood, as also proved to be the case in many of the In the 1980s, interesting processes of residential mo- other Project Renewal neighborhoods (Carmon and bility took place in Tel Aviv (Schnell and Graicer, 1993).
Baron, 1994)? There are several reasonable answers to Residents continued to leave the cityÕs central and this question which are related to the speci®cs of Project southern neighborhoods, but at the same time a ¯ow of Renewal, but there is also a general explanation which young, educated people started to enter those same the researchers should have guessed in advance. As long neighborhoods. The municipality began to invest in the as 50 years ago, Walter Firey (1947) showed his readers development of the central and southern neighbor- that the image of a neighborhood depends not so much hoods, with the aim of attracting economically viable on the quality of its instrumentality, as on the percep- tion of it as a place suited to ``respectable'' people. In In 1990, a renewal project was announced for Flor- keeping with this principle, and in line with the wealth of entine. While in the ®rst two cases the renewal and re- evidence collected during the past 50 years, we should generation e€orts were almost entirely at the hands of have known that the status of residential areas is de- the central government, this Third Generation plan was termined ®rst and foremost by the socioeconomic status managed and ®nanced by the local municipality of Tel of its residents, which is a much more powerful factor Aviv, through a municipal company named Ezra than the material living conditions in the neighborhood.
u'Bitzaron. The plan and its results were investigated by Therefore, and this is a very important research-based Eres (1996) and Eres and Carmon (1996), who based conclusion, programs of the Second Generation type their evaluation on interviews with local residents, local such as IsraelÕs Project Renewal, which from the outset businessmen, and public ocials who took part in the preclude changes in the neighborhood population (re- renewal project, and on analysis of data, maps and other location or gentri®cation and any other kind), can material from Tel Aviv municipality.
bene®t the people but cannot change the status of their The stated goals of the Florentine project were to neighborhood, at least not as seen by non-residents.
attract new population to the neighborhood, to improve the quality of life of the quarterÕs new and incumbent 3.3. Third Generation: Florentine ± revitalization in the residents, and to better the image of the neighborhood.
Between 1990 and 1995, approximately 4.5 million dol- lars were invested in Florentine by Ezra u'Bitzaron. The Florentine is a small neighborhood, one of the oldest lionÕs share was devoted to renovation of the streets in Tel Aviv, the ®rst ``Hebrew city'' which was founded (repaving, creating parking bays, planting, street furni- in 1909. As with many of Tel AvivÕs distressed neigh- ture, etc.), and another large amount was used for ex- terior renovation of buildings (tarring of roofs, plaster- support families with children. Some of the streets and ing, painting, care of yards, etc.). In addition, rather infrastructure have been improved, but many sections large sums were invested in the renovation and opera- have remained untouched and su€er from serious de- tion of kindergartens and a community center. Small fects. Insucient sanitation and street cleaning services sums were o€ered as loans for interior renovation of the are still a cause for complaint in some areas. Both old and new businesses create rather serious disturbances by Within ®ve years, highly signi®cant changes took place in Florentine: about 600 apartments, which had Moreover, several unplanned changes have taken previously been used for business purposes or storage, place in the neighborhood, most of them not for the or had stood empty, were reconverted for residential use better. The revitalization process resulted in a steep in- and occupied by new owners or tenants. A few hundred crease in rents, as a consequence of which some of the new residents either replaced older occupants in the incumbent tenants, those who could not a€ord the new existing housing stock, or occupied four new buildings increases, were pushed out; luckily, this was not a and the newly added upper ¯oors of several older common problem, because the old rent control law, buildings, the construction of which was made possible which is still valid for much of the housing stock in this by a revised Municipal Building Plan. The total number area, protected many of the old-timers. Businesses which of residents in the neighborhood almost doubled, had been in the neighborhood for quite a long time were reaching some 5500 by mid-1995. The new population is forced to leave their locations, without compensation of a combination of two large groups: about 1200 new any kind for the high cost of relocation. Too many immigrants who found there inexpensive, centrally lo- eating places and places of entertainment were opened, cated housing, and about 1300 people who can be many of them in an area where residential occupancy classi®ed as a gentrifying population: unmarried and was also strengthened; the accompanying irritations of newly married young people, mostly without children, noise, dirt and bad odors are highly disturbing to the many of them students or new university graduates.
During that period, some 600 applications were Of all the unplanned changes, the most prominent submitted to the municipality for permits to open new was the resulting transitory nature of the neighborhood.
businesses in the Florentine quarter. The majority of The majority of new residents rented apartments in those who applied did in fact open businesses in the Florentine and did not invest in the purchase of dwelling neighborhood, mostly in units that had been abandoned units there. As expressed in their answers, most of them by workshops and small industries, such as upholstery see their residence there as temporary. This is equally and carpentry shops, which had been a nuisance to the true for the young, middle class residents, for the new residents. Eating places and places of entertainment ± immigrants, and certainly for the not so few foreign co€ee shops, restaurants and pubs ± were dominant workers who have found temporary refuge there.
among the new businesses, but art galleries, design shops The characteristics of the renewal process in Floren- and shops for the sale of furniture, arts and crafts were tine were typical of neighborhood regeneration of the Were the goals of the municipal renewal project of · A process whose origin was spontaneous but whose Florentine advanced? There is no doubt that the image continuation was at least partly planned.
of the neighborhood has improved and it is now seen as · A process involving many small investors from the a place in which it is worth buying or renting an private sector, especially home and business owners apartment, or investing in the development of a busi- who put up most of the investment capital, side by ness, as well as a place to visit and shop. The improved side with a few larger private developers and public image is also expressed in the purchase price of apart- investors, especially the local municipality.
ments, which doubled in the ®rst half of the 1990s · Most of the main regeneration types analyzed above (compared with an average increase of approximately could be identi®ed in the project: gentri®cation, up- 50% in Tel Aviv) and approached the average price for grading by incumbent residents, upgrading by new Tel Aviv apartments of the same size. The success in immigrants, and planned initiation of entertainment attracting new residents ± doubling the population · The prominent results of the process are: However, according to Eres and Carmon (1996), the (a) The neighborhood serves as a temporary tran- picture is not entirely rosy. The goal of improving sit station for many of its new occupants, rather quality of life in the neighborhood has been met only to a modest degree. The quality of housing has generally (b) The process has been more bene®cial to ``strong'' remained poor. The amount of educational and leisure players (landlords, owners of new businesses and in time services has increased to some extent, but the particular the municipality) than to ``weaker'' ones quality is still considered inferior and insucient to (c) Many more bene®ts have been created for the status and a rise of property values, but in most cases place, i.e. for the status of the Florentine neighbor- has hurt, or at best has not helped, the incumbent resi- hood, than for the people who live in it.
In light of past failures or partial successes only, we have to reconsider two questions: Is revitalization of old urban residential areas still a viable goal at the end of Because of the careful selection of the above three the twentieth century? and, if so, is it manageable in a case studies as representative examples of the three way that can bene®t both the people (primarily the generations of policies, we may use them to draw the residents of the target areas) and the urban areas under main policy lessons of several decades of planned in- tervention in distressed urban areas. The following My answer to the ®rst question is unhesitatingly condensed list may be useful for memorizing them.
First Generation ± A series of ``nos'': no to physical (a) The need to renew the city centers for the impor- determinism, the belief that a change in the physical tant functions which they ful®ll in the economy and environment has a decisive impact on the social behav- society of the post-industrial era (Sassen, 1994; Shore, ior; no to massive demolition and massive displacement 1995) ± our cumulative experience teaches us that of incumbent residents; no to mega-structures for poor successful city centers are those which include not only economic functions, but also stable residential Second Generation ± Working for and with the ex- isting population only and avoiding deliberate changes (b) The reluctance to destroy old urban fabrics for so- in the composition of the local population may be highly cial, historical and esthetic reasons.
bene®cial to the local residents, but hardly produce any (c) The desire and the need to reduce the gaps be- ``positive externalities'' nor does it improve the status of tween the ``haves'', most of whom live in prestige housing, and the ``have nots'', most of whom are con- Third Generation ± Public-private regeneration ini- centrated in distressed residential areas ± these gaps tiatives and gentri®cation processes have frequently had have been widening in the recent period of globaliza- a positive in¯uence on the status of the involved areas, tion and restructuring of the economy (Mollenkopf however: they have been limited to a few major cities and Castells, 1991; Sassen, 1991; Fainstein, Gordon and to a few relatively small areas within theses cities; and Harloe, 1992; Kasadra, 1993; O'Loughlin and incumbent residents seldom bene®t, more often are hurt Fridrichs, 1996); planned intervention for reducing and even displaced; they tend to create ``islands of re- them is required for ideological reasons of social jus- vitalization within seas of decline'' and to increase dis- tice, as well as for practical reasons, among which are parities between the ``haves'' and ``have-nots''.
the fear of social unrest on a broad scale (Galbraith, 1992) and the ®nding of negative relationship be- tween inequality and economic growth in democratic 4. Towards an e€ective approach to regenerating residen- societies (Persson and Tabellini, 1994).
tial areas: bene®ting both people and places All these reasons justify a special e€ort to develop and test e€ective approaches for urban renewal and re- A summary of the above analysis shows that in most generation. An approach which has good chance of of the places in which they were applied, especially in the being e€ective in terms of bene®ting both people and US, First Generation slum clearance projects caused places is proposed below. It is based mainly on the les- harm to the residents and communities which were re- sons learned from the above analysis, but also on con- moved. Moreover, the time required to complete the sideration of current trends in the political economy of redevelopment plans ± typically 20±40 years ± put heavy developed countries. It is composed of two strategic and economic burdens on both the public and private bodies involved in these projects. The comprehensive programs of the Second Generation, in the cases where they were · Preventing the segregation of the lower classes. A ma- actually implemented, were bene®cial to the residents jor cause of neighborhood deterioration, which is at and their children and to some extent reduced the gaps the same time a cause and symptom of deterioration, between them and the more a‚uent groups, but did not is the residential segregation of the lower classes, generally succeed in changing the low status of the which is a consequence of the tendency of the middle neighborhoods or stopping the ¯ight of the ``stronger'' classes to distance themselves from the lower classes.
households from them. Neighborhood revitalization of Moreover, the most severe urban problems, including the Third Generation, in its common patterns of gen- the development of the so-called underclass, occur in tri®cation and property-led regeneration, has frequently racially and economically segregated urban areas. In resulted in rapid improvement of the neighborhood order to prevent such problems, planners should ad- vocate forms of population mix. This is more easily · Di€erential treatment of di€erent deteriorated residen- said than done, but there are some reliable guidelines tial areas. Whereas mass production was the hall- in the professional literature which indicate useful (as mark of the industrial era, the new, post-industrial opposed to counter-productive) methods for achiev- period is characterized by diversi®cation of products ing population mix (Carmon, 1976; Varady and Raf- and life styles. The contrast between a single type of a fel, 1995; Carmon, 1997). The mix can be achieved solution for all deteriorated areas, typical of past gen- sometimes within a housing project and oftentimes erations of areal remedies, and the di€erential treat- within broader urban areas; sometimes by moving ment proposed here is in line with this trend. A poor people to the suburbs and more often by attract- critical distinction is between areas which have rea- ing the better-o€s back to the city.
sonable chances of being regenerated and those that · Working simultaneously for economic development and are found not to justify preservation and rehabilita- social equity. If both goals are to be promoted, the tion, the ``non-viable'' in Krumholz and Star (1996) analysis of ``who pays and who bene®ts'' should be terms (a decision to designate an area as non-viable used as a main criterion for selecting projects for ur- should be taken very carefully, mainly on the basis ban regeneration. Several researchers and practitio- of social evidence). Residents of non-viable areas ners, who emphasize bene®ts to the local residents, can be served by person-oriented type of programs, recommend kinds of ``linkage'' projects in areas of such as the Moving-to-Opportunity American pro- economic revitalization (Frieden and Kaplan, 1990).
gram which leads to voluntary deconcentration Others, like Porter (1995), hope to bene®t all groups (Temkin and Rhoe, 1996). As for those targeted for by materializing the potential for economic competi- revitalization, and therefore, appropriate for area- tiveness hidden in central cities. It may be advisable targeted programs, the main distinction is between to follow some of Porter's suggestions, provided that neighborhoods in ``hot demand areas'' (Price, 1991) encouraging competitiveness is not a substitute but and others. The ®rst kind attracts spontaneous gen- rather a complementary component of urban policy, tri®cation and property-led revitalization, which as he himself suggests (Porter, 1997, p. 3).
planner may be able to modify to attain both desir- able population mix and development with equity.
· Regeneration through partnerships. In light of the po- For the second type, a two-stage strategy is proposed.
litical and economic trends at the end of the 20th cen- The aim of the ®rst stage is to work with the incum- tury, the only chance to recruit the public support bent residents to improve their environment (housing and the capital required for projects of regeneration and social services), bringing it closer to that of is to create partnerships. Funding and management ``good'' neighborhoods; the goal of the second stage skills for regeneration projects ought to come from is to break through the segregation lines of distressed all three sectors of the economy: the public and pri- neighborhoods, turning them into an integral parts of vate sectors and the ``third sector'' of not-for-pro®t broader, higher status urban quarters (Carmon, organizations. One promising strategy of partnership has recently been proposed by Metzger (1997), who None of the above principles by itself is a new idea of calls for ``aggressive'' public±private lending and in- the author of this paper. The originality is in the com- vestment plans in distressed urban areas, coordinated bination of the ®ve and in singularizing the ®rst two, by community stakeholders. Planners are charged which are related to the causes of urban decline, and with the task of using their new talents as negotiators therefore, observing them may prevent deterioration, and deal-makers to promote cooperation among the various sectors and between them and the residents.
I hope that nobody takes these ®ve principles as a list · A gradual, soft approach. Sensitive planning, in an at- of nice but non-attainable slogans. Indeed, each one of tempt to preserve old social and physical systems them is still in a stage of experimentation, but there is alongside the introduction of new ones. Emphasizing more than some evidence (part of it documented in the this principle has become especially important in light references mentioned above) to support the claim that of a recent tendency (especially with regard to deteri- each has contributed to regenerating distressed urban orating public housing areas in the US) to go back to areas. Designing programs by the ®ve principles is sug- the method of total demolition (Brown, 1997). Simi- gested as a way to e€ectively promote the goal of ben- lar tendencies were identi®ed in Britain and in Israel.
e®ting both people and places, in times of austerity and This is happening in spite of what we were supposed reduced support of planned intervention in general, and to learn about total demolition in the First Genera- of intervention in favor of poor people and areas in tion of urban renewal, and in spite of interesting re- cent ®ndings regarding the success of gradual Additional research is required to support the above, rehabilitation e€orts (Vale, 1995) and of projects that a research which will expand our understanding of the combined demolition and renovation (Goody, 1997).
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